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ldenberg, 1986, 1991; Christensen, 1990; Becker & Stein, 1991) for being methodologically flawed and inappropriate for practical consideration. Often the findings themselves don't seem consistent. For instance Zillmann and Bryant (1984; 1988a, 1988b) reported that their results indicated on the one hand that large amounts of exposure to pornography reduced the willingness of student subjects to aggress against another after erotic stimulation [inferred positive effect] but led to "a general trivialization of rape," decreased satisfaction with the present partner and supposed lessening of "family values" [inferred negative effect]. And even experimenters in this area of classroom research have significantly criticized how the data have been extrapolated for the courtroom (e.g., Linz, Penrod & Donnerstein, 1987). Lab experiments typically do not take into account context and other crucial social and situational factors in considering the audience or the material.

The results we find for Japan, and Kutchinsky reports for the U.S.A., West Germany, Denmark, and Sweden, are from huge diverse populations that have had years of exposure to sexually explicit materials. These materials could be chosen or not, used or not and modified or not to taste. No person was obligated to expose him or herself to experiences found distasteful while, on the other hand, anyone could exploit any available material or opportunity available. Individuals in real life could use the material alone in private or with partners. In real life, individuals can elect to experience some pornography for minutes or hours, at a single session, or over years. In real life, individuals are free to satisfy different sexual urges in ways unavailable to students in classroom situations.

Kutchinsky (1983, 1987, 1992, 1994), has discussed the relative merits of lab studies compared to events outside the laboratory. Basically Kutchinsky believes that pornography, in the real world, offers a substitution for the sexual and nonsexual frustrations that might, in other circumstances, lead to sexual offenses (Kutchinsky, 1973a, p175 ff.). "If availability of pornography can reduce sex crimes, it is because the use of certain forms of pornography to certain potential offenders is functionally equivalent to the commission of certain types of sex offenses: both satisfy the need. . . If these potential offenders have the option, they prefer to use pornography because it is more convenient, unharmful and undangerous." (pp. 21). This too we believe is only a partial answer.

What other societal factors, aside from an increase in pornography, might have led to the decrease in crimes in Japan? And if pornography doesn't lead to rape and sex crimes, what does? Obviously these are complicated multifaceted questions. In response, we agree with many (e.g., Brannigan. 1997; Fisher & Barak, 1991, Gottfredson & Hirschi, 1990) that crimes in general are not simply a matter of "monkey see - monkey do." As with most other crimes, sex crimes are usually opportunistic, given little forethought and typically committed by individuals with poor self or social control. And such individuals are often identifiable before they would be exposed to any substantial SEM. More than half of adult sex offenders were often known to be adolescent sex offenders (Abel, 1985; Knopp, 1984). As Gottfredson and Hirschi (1990) state: ". . . the origins of criminality of low self control are to be found in the first six or eight years of life, during which time the child remains under the control and supervision of the family or a familial institution . . . policies directed towards enhancement of the ability of familial institutions to socialize children are the only realistic long-term state policies with potential for substantial crime reduction (pp. 272-273).

The increasing competitive nature of the Japanese educational and employment situation over the last two decades has pressured more time being devoted to school achievement starting in preschool and continuing through college; hours of home-work and extra tutoring after school (juckyu) are common (Efrom, 1997). And Japanese mothers usually remain at home to supervise their children through the middle school if not the high school years. We believe this in itself reduces the opportunity for anti-social or criminal activity and helps socialize the child to avoid criminal behaviors as an adult.

Ellis (1989) attributes sex crimes to innate motives toward sexual expression and a drive to possess and control. The increased early age times under family jurisdiction can help modify these drives. So too, we think, can the standard Japanese K-12 sex education programs take some credit. Thus, socially positive proactive forces, in themselves, may account for much of the reduction in the crime seen. Other forces responsible for the modification of sex crimes rates in Japan or elsewhere have yet to be determined.

A companion question also arises: Might there be negative effects of the increase in pornography availability other than measured by our inspection of documented sex crimes? Feminists, religious conservatives and other moralists consider pornography a problem even if it can not be proven that it leads to an increase in sex crimes (see e.g., Court, 1984; Osanka & Lee, 1984). Some see it as violence against women per se, e.g., "The question is not: does pornography cause violence against women? Pornography is violence against women, violence which pervades and distorts every aspect of our culture (Dworkin, 1981, book cover)." And Steinham (1983) has written: "pornography is about power and sex-as-weapon - in the same way we have come to understand that rape is about violence, and not really about sexuality at all (pp. 38)." MacKinnen (1993) considers even written pornography degrading and harmful to women by its mere existence.

There are certainly anecdotal reports of negative consequences, aside from sex crimes, attributed to pornography. These range from domestic violence (e.g., Sommers & Check, 1987), to child abuse (e.g., Burgess & Hartman, 1987). There is, however, no evidence that pornography is in anyway causal in such terrible and regrettable crimes (Howitt & Cumberbatch, 1985). These anti-social and criminal acts, we believe, are more likely due to the poorly parented and inadequately schooled individuals with poor self or social control mentioned above.

Another potential ill effect of pornography is reviewed by Howitt and Cumberbatch (1985); the possible negative effects of pornography on men. They review reports of men reduced to impotence by "performance anxiety" and not being able to match the ever-potent, hugely endowed, skilled studs in pornography (e.g., Moye, 1985; Fracher & Kimmel, 1987; Tieter, 1987). Howitt and Cumberbatch conclude that the factors actually responsible for impotence and performance anxiety probably have nothing to do with pornography and have also yet to be determined.

In sum, the concern that countries allowing pornography would show increased sex crime rates due to modeling or that adolescents in particular would be negatively vulnerable to and receptive to such models or the society would be otherwise adversely effected has not been vindicated. It is certainly clear from our data and analysis that a massive increase in available pornography in Japan has been correlated with a dramatic decrease in sexual crimes and most so among youngsters as perpetrators or victims. We have mentioned some possible influential factors.

REFERENCES
Abel, G. G., Mittelman, M. S., & Becker, J. V. (1985). "Sexual Offenders: Results of assessment and recommendations for treatment". In M. H. Ben-Aron, S. J. Huckle, & C. D. Webster (Eds.), Clinical criminology: The assessment and treatment of criminal behavior (pp. 191-205). Toronto, Canada: M & M Graphic.

Abramson, P. R., & Hayashi, H. (1984). "Pornography in Japan: Cross cultural and theoretical considerations". In M. N. Malamuth & E. Donnerstein (Eds.), Pornography and Sexual Aggression (pp. 173-183). New York: Academic Press.

Amis, K., Anderson, J. N. D., Beasley-Murray, G. R., et al. (1972). Pornography: The Longford Report. London: Coronet Books: Hodder Paperbacks, Ltd.

Anonymous. (1991a, 31 March). Racy comics a labeled lot now in Japan. Sunday Honolulu Star Bulletin and Advertiser.

Anonymous. (1991b, 5 February). Tokyo Telephone Sex. Honolulu Advertiser.

Anonymous. (1992, 2 October). Police warn magazines over nudes. The Japan Times pp. 2.

Baron, L., & Strauss, M. A. (1987). Four Theories of Rape in American Society: A State-Level Analysis. New Haven: Yale University Press.

Becker, J., & Stein R. M. (1991). "Is sexual erotica associated with sexual deviance in adolescent males?" International Journal of Law and Psychiatry, 14, 85-95.

Brannigan, A. (1987). "Sex and aggression in the Lab: Implications for Public Policy? A Review Essay". Canadian Journal of Law and Society, 2, 177-185.

Brannigan, A., & Goldenberg, S. (1986). "Social Science versus jurisprudence in Wagner: The study of Pornography, Harm, and the Law of obscenity in Canada". Canadian Journal of Sociology, 11:419-431.

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